茨城大学
全学教育機構
共通教育部門

顔写真
教授

金 光男

キム クアンナム
KIM Kwang-Nam
  • Fax.029-228-8199

その他の所属・職名

  1. 全学教育機構 センター長

経歴

  1. 早稲田大学社会科学研究所インドネシア部会研究協力者 1988/04-1992/03
  2. 国立インドネシア大学政治社会学部国際関係学科客員講師 1993/02-1994/02
  3. 茨城大学人文学部助教授 1994/04-現在
  4. 東京外国語大学外国語学部東南アジア課程非常勤講師 1997/04-1999/03
  5. オーストラリア、ニュー・サウス・ウェールズ大学人文社会科学部客員研究員 2000/04-2001/03
  6. 早稲田大学アジア研究機構・客員研究員 2008/04/01-2010/03/31

学歴

  1. 上智大学 外国語学研究科 国際関係論専攻 博士 1992/03 単位取得満期退学
  2. 早稲田大学 社会科学部 社会科学科 1980 卒業
  3. 早稲田大学 政治学研究科 政治学 修士 1987 修了

学位

  1. 政治学修士 早稲田大学

教育・研究活動状況

授業は、アジア社会論、政治学担当。
研究分野は、インドネシア地域研究、アジア日本関係史、朝日関係史の研究。

研究分野

  1. 地域研究
  2. 東アジア国際関係史

研究キーワード

  1. インドネシア、朝鮮・韓国、日本、国際関係、東アジア地域研究

研究テーマ

  1. 大日本帝国における燃料開発 2004-2017

論文

  1. (MISC)総説・解説(大学・研究所紀要) 単著 (研究ノート)近代日本の石炭政策:長崎開港から高島炭坑官收まで 金 光男 茨城大学人文学部紀要 社会科学論集 59, 71-88 2015/02/27 1344-0160
  2. (MISC)総説・解説(大学・研究所紀要) 単著 幕末の朝鮮観に関する一考察;吉田松陰を中心として 金 光男 茨城大学人文学部紀要、社会科学論集 54, 29-47 2012/09/28 1344-0160 本論文は吉田松陰を通じて幕末教養人の朝鮮観を考える論考である。いわゆる教養人の朝鮮観は遅くとも徳川幕府発足から形成され継承されてきた。吉田松陰の朝鮮観もその思想的伏流の延長線上にあるものと言えよう。松陰は当時の幕藩体制に迫りくる内憂外患に対処するため二方向から接近した。すなわち攘夷と尊王である。松陰の攘夷策は、日本が強兵を養い積極的に朝鮮・アジアへ打って出る雄略によって列強の干渉を防ぐというものだった。さらに松陰の尊王は、継承された神話的物語に依る「日本優越・朝鮮蔑視」観を内包する国体論であった。これが松陰が継承した伝統的な朝鮮観に他ならない。すなわち「日本書紀」による国体の言説そのものがこの朝鮮観を不可欠な構成要素としているからだ。かくして歴史的に継承された国体論は、「中華日本」の外夷に位置すると想定した蝦夷・琉球・朝鮮を服属させる万世一系の天皇の絶対支配下に国民を統合し内憂を解消し、朝鮮・アジアを侵略して外患を防ぐという「富国強兵」政策を思想的に支えたものであった。
  3. 研究論文(学術雑誌) 単著 「明治初期」日本のアジア外交について;明治維新前後から台湾出兵まで 金 光男 ユーラシア研究 8/ 4, 141-171 2011/12/31 This paper investigates how the Japanese leaders’ efforts for “independence” were linked with the Japanese “expansion” in Asia by focusing on their foreign understanding and their policies toward Asia. Those leaders did make plans and lead the formation of the modern Japanese nation state in the early Meiji era. This study clarifies the linkage in the analysis of diplomatic archives, diaries, opinion papers, and letters of the leaders written around the time of the Meiji Restoration up until 1874. First, the foreign recognition of Shoin Yoshida is discussed. He seems to have had profound influence on the thought of the Japanese leaders in their youth in the late Tokugawa period. Next, the foreign recognition of the new Meiji government’s leaders, mainly Tomomi Iwakura and Takayoshi Kido, is summarized in the continuity of former times. Then, the following chapter discusses Iwakura Mission’s attempts for revising the unequal treaty between Japan and Western powers, as well as some of their experiences in Western nations. After the mission returned to Tokyo, some members including Iwakura, Ookubo, and Kido set about proceeding preparations for the conquest of Korea. Their plan for Korea is examined with consideration to how their experience in Western nations affected it. In the final chapter, problems in Taiwan invasion are investigated in detail through Ookubo's diary. He was a prime leader, as well as a chief representative in the negotiations on Taiwan affairs with the Chinese government. In the process of studying each fact, it will be clear that how Japanese diplomacy toward China have connected with the strategy for Korea and the Sakhalin issue accompanied by Russian pressure. At the same time, it will be acknowledged that Japan's diplomacy with Asia has been influenced in some degree by British and US interests at that time. In conclusion, this paper shows that the early Meiji government has gotten the strategy to hold the full independence by shifting the pressure of the Western power, especially Russian’s, to Asian regions, depending on Anglo-Saxon powers to a certain extent. In addition, this study mentions ideological background with which the Japanese government has expanded over Asian regions.
  4. (MISC)その他記事 共著 「人間の尊厳」からの再出発 伊藤哲司(編著)、山本登志哉(編著)、他30名 『日韓;傷ついた関係の修復』 129-136 2011/11/20
  5. 研究論文(学術雑誌) 単著 アチェの資源開発と紛争に関する一考察 金光男 『ユーラシア研究』(アジアヨーロッパ未来学会) 第8/ 第1, 155-185 2011/03/31  This paper investigates the basic cause of the frightful and prolonged conflict in Aceh, Indonesia, by looking at the history of the country and its petroleum and natural gas resources development.  At the end of the 19th century, the Dutch colonial government began a large-scale military campaign in order to secure oilfields in East Aceh. At that time, the Dutch was interested in not only products such as coffee and spice, but also natural resources including petroleum, rubber, and tin. Thus, the development of natural resources in Aceh fueled the Dutch to expand their colonial territory. During the Japanese military administration period, the Japanese army tried to benefit from Aceh’s natural resources. After the surrender of the Japanese army, an Indonesian independence movement broke out. Also, the conflict escalated over the control of Aceh-North Sumatran oil between the Dutch army and Indonesian nationalists, as well as infighting between Acehnese and Javanese.  After Indonesia became independent, the struggle between the Acehnese local power and the Javanese central government continued over control of the Aceh-North Sumatran oil fields. Rebellions against the Aceh-North Sumatran oil nationalization arose while the U.S. government and the Dutch oil companies monitored the nationalization process. Finally, through the institution of martial law, the Indonesian army took control of economic properties including the Aceh-North Sumatran oil facilities. This action of the Indonesian army was related to the reparation agreement made with the Japanese government. The agreement included provisions that the Japanese government would invest in the Aceh- North Sumatran oil facilities and purchase their oil. Thus, the Japanese market and its capital assistance facilitated the restoration of the Indonesian oil fields and the oil export to Japan. But this did not help meet the Acehnese local society’s needs for petroleum products. The main purpose of the national oil company was just to obtain foreign currency by their crude oil.  During the time of the Suharto administration, the government strongly promoted the centralization of power for both economic development and political stabilization. In Aceh, the central government focused on the development of natural resources, especially natural gas exploitation in North Aceh, and built large-scale industries called the Lokhseumawe Industrial Zone. These industries yielded huge foreign currency for the Jakarta government, but they did not contribute to the local economy. In other words, there was no positive impact on other industries and employment in the local society. Moreover, the government expropriated the local habitants of their vast land without enough compensation for building the industrial zone. Thus, the gap between non-Acehnese workers in the enclave and habitants in the local society rather widened.  This paper concludes that the long and intolerable conflict in Aceh from 1976 to 2005 was due to two main factors. First, the Acehnese were extremely dissatisfied at the Java-centric and unjust policy for economic development. And second, the Acehnese harbored fear and hatred for the brutal national army.

研究発表

  1. 口頭発表(一般) 東南アジア現代史から見た韓国 特別公開シンポジウム「東アジアに発信され拡散する韓国文化力の可能性」 2006/02/25
  2. 口頭発表(一般) 「大東亜戦争」の歴史的解釈の再検討 「第2回東アジア比較法学国際シンポジウム」 2002/09

担当授業科目

  1. 東アジア政治思想入門

所属学協会

  1. 歴史学研究会 2013/05/01-現在
  2. 日本平和学会 2010/09-2012/03
  3. 韓日民族問題学会 2008/04-現在
  4. アジア・ヨーロッパ未来学会 2008/01-現在
  5. 茨城大学政経学会 1994/04-現在

委員歴

  1. アジア・ヨーロッパ未来学会 学会誌『ユーラシア研究』政治・外交分科編集委員 2008/01-現在